Housing in the Isle of Dogs, London, UK
Source: Spectrum Colour Library
INTRODUCTION |
The domestic sector is an important area of the economy but is often unjustly overlooked as a source of environmental damage. Household spending accounts for a significant proportion of total industrial production, averaging just over 70 per cent in Europe as a whole and ranging from 56 per cent in the former USSR to 89 per cent in Greece in the late 1980s (ERM based on UN, 1992, and Euromonitor, 1992). The choices made by individuals concerning purchase of consumer items and how to run their homes can significantly influence environmental impacts from the domestic and other sectors. It is this range of behaviour and scope for choice which is addressed here. The main sources of data used in this chapter are described in Box 26A.
DEFINITION AND IMPORTANCE OF HOUSEHOLDS |
A useful definition of 'households' for the purposes of this report is: a '... household denotes a person or group of persons, related or not to one another, who occupy the same accommodation and live there together' (CEC, 1993).
Households consume raw materials, electricity, other forms of energy, food and manufactured items while generating wastes which are released to land, water and air. They also require transport facilities and an infrastructure which may affect landuse, the landscape and natural resources. They therefore have direct impacts on the quality of the environment as described in Chapters 4 to 10.
Population growth, together with a trend towards fewer people per household, is contributing to a large rise in the number of households in the EU and EFTA countries (an increase of around 10 per cent between 1980 and 1990) (Euromonitor, 1992). There is a similar trend in Central and Eastern Europe. In the former USSR, however, the rate of growth is constrained by the shortage of suitable housing. Smaller households use water and energy less efficiently and require more land per household member, so that these trends lead to greater per capita resource use.
Patterns of household consumption and consumer behaviour influence the environmental effects of households. At the same time households themselves are influenced by the physical and climatic conditions of their location and a variety of demographic, social and economic factors, including: household income; availability of goods; availability and quality of substitutes; environmental awareness of consumers; and culture and peer group pressure.
The direct environmental impacts of households arise from the consumption of resources, emissions and the other induced pressures on the environment described in Chapters 12 to 18. Use of resources and emissions which occur away from the household (for example, those associated with electricity generation, industrial or agricultural production of consumer items) is addressed under the specific sectorial chapters of interest (eg, Chapters 19, 20 and 22).
The importance of the household sector, therefore, lies in its demand for resources, the waste generated by consumption of those resources and its capacity to influence industrial and commercial activities through its spending power. This influence can be shown through the exercise of consumer choice, either in increased demand for perceived 'environment-friendly' products or in the avoidance of less 'friendly' products or manufacturers.
The significant environmental impacts stemming directly from the presence, consumption of resources and emissions of households are summarised in Table 26.1.
RESOURCE NEEDS OF HOUSEHOLDS |
Land |
There are few data available on the land area occupied by households. Eurostat estimates that the average floor area of households in the EU is the smallest in Greece (80m2) and largest in The Netherlands (105m2) and Denmark (107m2) (CEC, 1993). Growth in population in the EU contributes to an increasing demand for land. On average the urban population in Europe is expanding while the rural population is contracting. Therefore urban households are on the increase, and pressure to urbanise rural land is further intensified.
Water |
In most European countries, domestic users account for 5 to 25 per cent, and usually less than 20 per cent, of total water supplied for all purposes, although this proportion can be much higher in some countries (see Chapters 5 and 33 and the Statistical Compendium). The amount of water supplied to households is increasing as a proportion of total water supplied for all purposes for example in The Netherlands (VROM, 1991) and the Czech Republic (see Figure 26.1). These increases are associated, at least in part, with changes in household structure and living patterns described later in this chapter.
Almost all households in Europe receive high-quality water supplied directly through a distribution network. However, in rural locations in many parts of Europe there are households which still rely on public fountains or are self-supplied from their own wells.
In most European countries, the total water supplied per person ranges from roughly 150 to around 300 litres per day (only Spain exceeds this with 378 litres per capita per day see Statistical Compendium). The variation may partly reflect the different ways in which countries measure water use. Estimates of the average water consumption of various domestic appliances (UK DoE, 1992a) range from 100 litres for automatic washing machines (amount of water required each time the appliance is used), to 80 (baths), 50 (dishwashers), 30 showers and 10 (WCs). Details of the various uses to which this is put in all countries are not available, although statistics for The Netherlands show that the main uses are for flushing of water closets (WCs), bathing and laundry (see Figure 26.2). Average use per person in The Netherlands in 1986 stood at around 120 litres per day and this figure represents a 76 per cent increase since 1960. The increase is attributed to wider home ownership and use of showers, and to the less efficient use of water associated with the trend towards smaller but more numerous households (VROM, 1991).
Energy |
European countries present data on energy consumption invarious ways (Box 26A). Differences are particularly marked between the formerly centrally planned and the market economies of Western Europe. In this section the energy use of the domestic and commercial sectors are considered together (data exclude energy use for transport). For general energy consumption data see Chapter 19. Commercial energy use is normally a very small proportion of these combined sectors in Central Europe but typically accounts for up to about half the total of domestic and commercial energy use in Western Europe and the former USSR (WRI, 1992).
Final energy consumption by the domestic and commercial sectors has increased by almost 50 per cent for Europe as a whole (including the former USSR) from 1970 to 1990. On the other hand, total energy consumption has increased by 37 per cent over the same period (excluding the former USSR, the increases were 22 per cent and 20 per cent respectively). The domestic and commercial sectors accounted for 37 per cent (741 out of 2023 million tonnes of oil equivalent (Mtoe)) of total energy use in Europe (including the former USSR) in 1990, compared with 34 per cent in 1970 (496 out of 1465 Mtoe) (see Statistical Compendium). This increase cannot be attributed solely to population growth. There has been a general increase in domestic and commercial energy use per capita of 35 per cent across the whole of Europe in the past 20 years (from 0.74 in 1970 to 1.0 toe in 1990, including the former USSR), and this has been most marked in the former USSR, where the average per capita consumption rose by over 80 per cent (from 0.6 in 1970 to 1.1 toe in 1990). Both the absolute amount and intensity of energy use were extremely variable ranging from 0.1 to 1.8 toe per capita; and consumption is lowest in Southern Europe (0.1 toe in Albania, and 0.2 toe per capita in Portugal and the former Yugoslavia) and highest in East Germany (1.8 Mtoe), and in Sweden, Finland, Switzerland and Luxembourg (1.5 Mtoe) (IEA, Eurostat and UN data; see Statistical Compendium).
Research in Norway has shown that energy use per capita is highest in single person households, and that for each additional person the additional heating required is less (Figure 26.3).
Trends in the proportions of domestic and commercial energy generated by fuel type are shown in Table 26.2. Throughout Europe over the past 20 years there has been a change in the mix of energy used in households. Coal and liquid petroleum products once widely used for space heating are now much less so, whereas gas, electricity and 'heat' (eg, the supply of hot water for central heating through a combined heat and power system) have all increased significantly. There were marked differences between Central and Eastern and Western Europe in 1990, with solid fuels still being the largest contributor in Central European homes (41 per cent of the sector as a whole), while in the EU and EFTA solid fuels are less than 5 per cent of total fuel consumption in this sector. The table also shows that natural gas began to make a significant contribution to energy supplies in Western Europe in the early 1970s and somewhat earlier in Central Europe and the former USSR.
Surplus heat from electricity generation, and from some industrial plants (eg, paper making), can be used for space heating in combined heat and power generation schemes with considerable gains in energy efficiency. Such schemes are, however, usually feasible only where there is a concentration of flats or small houses close to a plant. Central and Eastern Europe has a comparatively long history of district heating which almost doubled between 1970 and 1990. In 1990 this accounted for almost 20 per cent of final energy consumption of total domestic and commercial energy. Western Europe, however, has only recently begun to make significant use of district heating and only 3 per cent of Western Europe's final consumption for domestic and commercial energy is contributed from this source (in 1990). This contribution is supplied almost entirely by the Scandinavian countries. Iceland has been a pioneering country in the use of geothermal energy for space heating, and this source provides about 85 per cent of the energy requirements for space heating in Iceland. Electricity production using geothermal energy is limited, with only 6.4 per cent of total electricity in 1990 coming from this source (Icelandic Ministry for the Environment, 1992). In certain parts of Europe, solar and wind energy create energy self-sufficient houses, but this is confined mainly to demonstration projects.
EMISSIONS FROM HOUSEHOLDS |
To air |
Direct emissions of pollutants to the air by households arise principally through four sources:
A list of key pollutants emitted by these activities is presented in Table 26.1. Indirect emissions come about from the disposal of consumer goods, CFCs from refrigerators being of particular note (see Chapters 14 and 15). Indoor air pollution is covered in Chapter 11.
The volume and nature of emissions associated with energy use are determined by: the amount of energy used; the fuel type; and the emissions control or treatment technology.
For 20 European countries in 1990, the combined combustion from the commercial, institutional and residential sectors accounted for 14 per cent of carbon monoxide and 17 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions (see Chapter 14).
More detailed data are available for some individual countries, which serve to illustrate the importance of the sector. In the UK, for example, coal burning in households is still a significant contributor to UK black smoke emissions, contributing to over one third of total black smoke emissions in 1991. Figure 26.4 shows the impact of the decline in domestic sector emissions on total emissions of black smoke in the UK. Although emissions from the sector have fallen both absolutely and as a proportion of the total in the past 20 years, it is clear that domestic coal users are responsible for a disproportionate fraction of black smoke emissions (for one kg of coal, the emission factor is 160 times that of a power station; Gillham et al, 1992). Carbon monoxide, sulphur dioxide and nitrogen oxides emissions by households on the other hand accounted for 5 per cent, 4 per cent and 3 per cent respectively of total UK emissions for the same year, and these amounts are roughly in accordance with the proportion of combustion of energy taking place in households (UK DTI, 1992; UK DoE, 1993).
Householders have little opportunity to treat emissions or to burn fuel at the same efficiency as an industrial user or a power station. Emissions from the domestic sector can be limited in a number of ways: by restricting the amount of energy used, by improving the efficiency with which it is used, by requiring the use of alternative fuels (eg, smoke control zones), or by encouraging consumption of a less polluting fuel type such as 'smokeless' or low sulphur fuels, and altering behaviour away from using in-house open fireplaces.
Significant emissions from sources other than combustion arise mainly from use of paints, solvents, aerosol sprays and refrigeration equipment. Few countries record these domestic emissions separately, but in The Netherlands it is estimated that around 20 per cent of all ozone depleting chemicals and 10 per cent of volatile organic compounds are emitted directly from households (VROM, 1991).
Sewage |
By 1988 the great majority of European households were served with sewer connections, the only notable exceptions being in the former Yugoslavia and the rural areas of Greece, Portugal and Romania (WRI, 1992).
The most significant source of organic matter of anthropogenic origin in surface waters is human excreta. The range of per capita contributions to domestic wastewater is shown in Table 26.3.
Washing and cleaning also contribute organic matter and suspended solids to domestic sewage, but the most significant contribution ­ aside from excreta is that of phosphates from detergents, originating mainly from households (UNECE, 1992). There is convincing evidence that the introduction of 'phosphate-free' detergents is changing this (see Box 26B).
Solid waste |
The main issues of concern with regard to domestic waste are:
The volume of waste produced by households, particularly in Western Europe, is increasing owing to increasing consumption and especially to increasing volumes of packaging material. Many products which could be bought loose in the past are now sold pre-packaged, and traditional packaging materials such as paper and cardboard have been replaced by various types of plastic packaging.
Many of the substantial contributors to the total volume of household waste are materials which could be recycled, including glass, plastics, paper, aluminium, textiles and ferrous waste (for example tin cans).
Domestic waste includes items which contain small quantities of hazardous materials which, if of industrial origin, would warrant special measures for safe disposal. Studies in The Netherlands have identified pesticides, oil, leftover paint, batteries, cosmetics, medicines and photographic developing fluids as such items present in household waste (VROM, 1991).
Studies in Western Europe indicate that, although at least half of domestic waste, by weight, is recycleable, less than 10 per cent is actually recovered for recycling (ERM, 1992). Many cities, countries and pressure groups are now promoting recycling of household waste. However, recycling does not always yield clear environmental benefits, since the benefit derived needs to take into account the amounts of energy needed to collect and process the waste material as well as the nature of the waste streams generated by the recycling process itself (see also Chapter 15).
For recycling schemes to succeed where environmental benefits are clearly achievable, there needs to be: collaboration between governments to set up, promote and, where necessary, enforce schemes; an industry to collect and recycle wastes; adequate recycling facility capacity; and appropriate separation and disposal of waste. An example of such a collaboration is to be found in Germany where the introduction of the 'Green Dot' scheme for collecting and recycling packaging has not only resulted in large volumes of material being collected for recycling, but has also caused a decrease in packaging usage by manufacturers (ERM, 1992) (Chapter 15). This reduction may be due to manufacturers seeking to avoid recycling costs by eliminating unnecessary packaging.
In Norway a recent census found that the proportion of households sorting waste varies considerably with the type of household. The percentage is higher among multi-member households, particularly those with children (CBS, 1991).
DRIVING FORCES |
The size and significance of the household sector's contribution to resource use and emissions to the environment is determined by the number and size of households and by their patterns of consumption and waste generation. The factors which have recently been most influential in altering the contribution to environmental impacts are:
Population growth, number of households and household size |
Current trends indicate a growth in European population (see Chapter 12) and a reduction in average household size, which in 1990 ranged from 2.4 or less in Sweden, Denmark, Germany, Finland, Norway, The Netherlands and Switzerland, to more than 3.0 in Albania, Ireland, Italy, the former Yugoslavia and the former USSR (Euromonitor, 1992). (A figure of 3.9 quoted for the former USSR is distorted because the number of single member households was not recorded. This caveat applies to all the following section.)
During the period 1980 to 1990 the total number of households in Europe rose from 167 million to 183 million (excluding the former USSR). The average size of each household fell during the period from 2.9 to 2.7 people per household (excluding the former USSR) (see Figure 26.5). From the data available in Figure 26.6, the rate of household formation is shown to be fastest in Western countries and slowest in Central Europe. In Western Europe the number of households increased by almost 10 per cent between 1980 and 1990, but only about two thirds of this was due to the natural increase in population; the remainder was caused by the splitting of family units (Euromonitor, 1992). In Central and Eastern Europe on the other hand, the scope for the creation of new household units has been restricted largely by the scarcity of suitable housing, which probably explains the increases in household size.
With the exception of Ireland (where about one third of households have five or more members), the largest households are found in Central and Eastern Europe. In Hungary, Poland, the former Czechoslovakia and the former USSR, households with five or more members represent 17 to 24 per cent of the total number of households. Single member households appear to be far less common; in Poland and Romania for example, barely 14 per cent of households are single member units (Euromonitor, 1992).
Single member households are most common in Denmark and West Germany, where they account for about 34 per cent of the total. On the other hand, in Spain and Italy only about 13 per cent of households are single member units (one in eight) (Euromonitor, 1992). Households in the EU had an average size of 2.6 people in 1990; countries close to this average were Belgium, Greece, Luxembourg and the UK (Euromonitor, 1992).
The growth in the number of households is attributable largely to a changed social pattern towards more single member households and fewer children per family. It seems likely that this movement is largely complete in Western Europe, and that the rate of new household creations will decrease to that needed to accommodate population growth. In Central and Eastern Europe, however, where household creation has been constrained, there is a potential for household numbers to increase (Euromonitor, 1992).
Growth in disposable income and consumer spending |
Assessments of comparative spending power are complicated by currency instabilities, and notably by the currency strength of the EFTA group. Subject to this qualification, however, according to Euromonitor data for 1990, average expenditure in Western Europe is about ECU 14 000 per capita, around four times that of Central and Eastern Europe and the former USSR where the average is about ECU 3400. Europe's most affluent consumers are found in Switzerland, where total consumer spending power is almost ECU 25 000 per capita and ECU 59 000 per household. West Germany, France, Belgium, Italy, Austria, The Netherlands, Norway and the UK all have expenditure levels in the region of ECU 13 700 to 16 200 per capita and ECU 33 000 to 47 000 per household. Denmark, Sweden, Iceland and Finland are all quoted as spending over ECU 17 000 per capita, but in the range ECU 39 000 to 46 000 per household, since households tend to be smaller (Statistical Compendium).
The countries with the lowest average consumer expenditure in Western Europe are Greece, Ireland and Portugal, with per capita expenditure of ECU 4500 to 8700 per year. Central European countries are at an even lower level, with average expenditure of just ECU 1500 per capita.
In the EU (excluding East Germany) GDP grew in the three decades between 1961 and 1991 by 4.8 per cent, 3.0 per cent and 2.3 per cent, respectively (average of annual percentage changes). (CEC, 1992a). During these periods, private consumption grew at approximately the same rate: 5.0 per cent, 3.4 per cent and 2.4 per cent, respectively (average of annual percentage changes) (CEC, 1992a). GDP data for Central and Eastern Europe and the former USSR are less reliable and hence conclusions cannot be drawn.
The way in which consumers allocate their expenditure on goods and services has implications for environmental impacts, and although the specific nature of impacts will depend very much on many interim factors, the proportion and volume of expenditure is of importance. Sectorial allocations of consumer spending vary widely in Europe, with the poorer countries spending the highest proportion of their income on essentials such as food and basic clothing (see Figure 26.7). Particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, the pattern has been distorted by heavy state subsidies on housing, transport and household fuels, but as these are reduced or removed, the proportion spent on essentials, especially on housing, will increase significantly (Euromonitor, 1992).
In Europe, as in other parts of the world, additional income from increased economic prosperity is spent differently in poorer countries than in more affluent ones. Recent history has shown that, for Greece, Portugal, all of Central and Eastern Europe, and to a lesser extent Ireland, the first response to greater prosperity has been to use it primarily for the purchase of food and clothing. Once spending power rises above about ECU 5000 to 6000 per capita, the response generally is to reduce the proportion of the budget devoted to food and to spend more on other consumer goods, especially durables (Euromonitor, 1992).
Greater availability, affordability and sophistication of consumer items |
Since World War 2, growth in personal incomes and technological development has made an ever wider range of consumer and leisure items available to households. These, together with associated social and cultural shifts, have transformed households resource needs and their patterns of consumption and waste generation.
The increased availability of plumbing, the fitting of baths and showers and the wider use of washing machines and dishwashers, have led to increased water use and volumes of sewage produced by households. Central heating (and cooling) systems increase the demand for energy from this sector. Similarly, leisure items such as television and stereo equipment or electrical appliances such as refrigerators, freezers, microwaves, ovens and other electronic equipment have all led to increased demand for electricity (see Chapter 19). Increased ownership of passenger cars is associated with changes in the number and nature of households (see below). The demand for resources and environmental impacts of road transport are considered in Chapter 21.
Although the initial effect of household possession of these items is greater consumption of resources, it is clear that technological development can, and generally does, improve the efficiency with which resources are consumed. For example, a recent study investigating ecolabelling of washing machines found a difference of 45 per cent water use between various washing machines. The most water efficient used 13 l/kg of washing, the average being about 18 l/kg. The most energy efficient washing machine used only one third as much energy as the least energy efficient tested. The study also showed that detergent wastage could be reduced from 31 per cent to 1 per cent, with no significant effect on performance (UK DoE, 1992b). Similarly, increasingly more fuel efficient motor vehicles are being developed as efficiency of resource use becomes a major factor in consumers' decision making when they choose between products, particularly cars. Consumption of energy for heating can be reduced by better house insulation.
Data on car ownership by households tend to be confused by multi-ownership, by the provision of company cars without an identifiable owner (particularly in the UK), and by numerous other factors. It is now certain, however, that Western Europe has more cars than households for the first time, following a dramatic expansion of sales in the late 1980s and early 1990s, and that about 75 per cent of all households have at least one vehicle at their disposal (Euromonitor, 1992). In Central and Eastern Europe, however, absolute levels of car ownership among households are lower, although rates of growth are higher than in Western Europe (see Figure 26.8 and also Chapter 21).
Public attitudes to the environmental impacts of products |
There has been increased publicity in recent years given to the environmentally harmful effects of products and attempts by concerned groups to encourage consumers to find ways to reduce the impacts of their own activities and to influence the behaviour of other groups. Most industrial production supplies the domestic market and much of the remainder supplies manufacturers for domestic markets. There is, therefore, a great potential for consumers to exert pressure on industry as well as on governments through their exercise of choice. This pressure has been enhanced by the role played by non-governmental organisations. Furthermore, various surveys show that the vast majority of people are aware that they can protect the environment by changes to their own behaviour. Examples of consumer pressure successfully changing manufacturers' products include the appearance on the market and rapid success of phosphate-free detergents (see Box 26B) and the virtual elimination of CFC propellant aerosols from European markets (in advance of legislation banning them).
A 1992 survey in the EU asked people what actions they had taken or would consider taking to protect the environment. Figure 26.9 shows some personal actions claimed to have been taken by respondents to the survey. Seventy per cent of respondents said that they had bought or were prepared to consider buying 'environmentally friendly' products even if they were more expensive (CEC, 1992b).
The type of consumer pressure demonstrated by these results has initiated the proliferation of environmental information about products. Clear and accurate information is an essential tool to enable consumers to take account of the potential environmental impacts associated with the products they buy. Claims such as 'green', 'environmentally friendly', and 'ozone friendly' have been attached to many products and services. Occasionally these claims have been vague, meaningless and even misleading. While consumers undoubtedly need guidance in exercising choice, the unregulated profusion of claims and the lack of objective, independently verified information to support them can lead to confusion and ultimately to the frustration of consumer choice. Schemes have, therefore, been set up which aim to impose standards or a code of practice regulating claims, such as the use of environmental logos. In the EU, these are being supplemented and may eventually be replaced by an EU 'ecolabel' (see Box 26C).
EXAMPLES OF CONTROL MEASURES |
There are three main points at which governments can influence consumer behaviour in order to minimise environmental effects of household activities:
To influence behaviour in any of these categories, governments have at their disposal the following four complementary strategies (Cramer, 1993).
Coercive measures |
These include legal measures to restrict activities or consumption of products. Examples include restrictions on emissions of smoke (for example, reducing air pollution from the domestic sector through smoke free zones in urban areas in the UK) and restrictions on the use of private motor cars (see Chapter 10) or banning of certain products (eg, drinks cans in Denmark since the early 1970s).
Financial regulation |
Governments can ensure that the environmental costs of products throughout their entire life-cycle are included in the purchase price by using levies or taxation. The use of less harmful products can also be encouraged through subsidies or tax modifications (for example, the introduction of unleaded petrol at prices lower than those of leaded petrol has encouraged its use in many European countries).
In Denmark, disposable tableware is subject to a levy of 33 per cent of retail price or 50 per cent of import value, to discourage this form of waste generation, while pesticides for home use are taxed in a similar way (17 per cent of the retail price or 20 per cent of import value) to discourage their use in private gardens (ERM, 1992).
Information and training |
To date, governments wishing to influence consumer behaviour both at home and in the workplace have provided information and education aimed at assisting or persuading consumers to modify their consumption decisions voluntarily in favour of less environmentally harmful alternatives. Examples include publicity and media campaigns, such as 'save energy' or 'energy efficiency' campaigns, and the regulation of product labelling, for example the EU ecolabelling scheme (Box 26C).
Institutional instruments |
Governments can provide the facilities to enable consumers to adopt more environmentally responsible behaviour through a variety of institutional instruments, for example, by coordinating schemes to promote the separation and collection of recycleable components of domestic waste and measures to reduce household car use by promoting public transport systems.
CONCLUSIONS |